Peter Okebukola, Faculty of Education, Lagos State University,
PMB 1087, Apapa, Lagos, NIGERIA
Email: pokebukola@alpha.linkserve.com
Introduction
The pace of research within the framework of culture and science learning has quickened in the last ten years. The stimulus for this line of research has probably come from the growing interest in multiculturalism (Okebukola, 1998). The overarching goal of multiculturalism is to factor into the teaching-learning enterprise, a broad spectrum of cultural leanings, dispositions and perspectives. In the pursuit of this goal, two major lines of approach have emerged. One is to isolate and describe strands of culture and cultural entities that could impact on learning. Exemplifying this thrust which addresses the what questions are the works of Olarewaju (1990) on language especially the mother tongue and Dennick (1992) on the culture of minority groups in the United Kingdom. The second line of approach is to determine how these strands of culture and cultural entities influence learning. Bishop (1991), Bajah (1997) Okebukola and Jegede (1991) have addressed the how question. The precincts of the what and the how are gaining increasing attention of researchers especially in science education. This attention derives from the realisation that science teaching takes place in a cultural context (Aikenhead, 1997; Cobern, 1996) since it uses the metaphors and images available to the learner. There is also the realisation that the society is pluralistic and the response of science teachers should be towards this pluralism.
Research, of the what and the how variety on cultural characteristics and the influence of such characteristics on science concept development of nomads and street children is almost entirely absent from the science education literature. This silence is all the more striking given the global endorsement of science for all. Science for all calls science educators to duty to find ways of making every citizen in the community scientifically literate. This call aims at dissolving the boundary of offering of science to a select group in the community especially those in the formal school setting. Embraced within the context of the "ALL" is every member of the schooling and non-schooling communities – children, youth and adults of all races and colour, creed, political and geographic affiliation, socio-economic profile, ability level, gender, and other disaggregating, disabling and enabling factors. As Jegede (1998) aptly notes, the spirit and the letter of science and technological literacy for all cannot be fully realized if science education at the dawn of a new millennium continues to discriminate against peoples especially from disadvantaged and marginalized backgrounds as well as against the science and technology native to cultures other than of Western origin. Science for all means understanding all the aspects of what affects full participation in science by all and what factors determine the successful integration of all aspects of knowledge from any and every place in unraveling nature.
Beginning from 1993, and following the launch of UNESCO’S Project 2000+ on scientific and technological literacy for all, there has been a perceptible flurry of activities around the world on implementing programmes on science education for all. The web of such programmes are being stretched to catch as many people as possible. This initiative has given rise to the concept of the "hard-to-reach" and people in "especially difficult circumstances". The hard-to-reach are those who ordinarily, are unable to access the formal education system on account of physical, socio-economic and psychological barriers. These include nomads and street children. People in especially difficult circumstances are defined as those displaced by war, famine, earthquake and other disasters. Data contained in the 1997 United Nations’ Development Program (UNDP) World Report, show that in developing countries especially those in Sub-Saharan Africa, about a tenth of the population on the average, are below poverty line. This factor is pushing children within the school-age population to the "hard-to-reach" group. Many are on the streets to augment self and family income. Nomads who are migratory groups consider formal schooling (and also school science) non-relevant to daily living of pastoralism. Together, these two groups – nomads and street children form a sizeable population that needs to benefit from the experience of learning science. In Nigeria, there is an estimated two million people in the two groups. The web of science education for all is being stretched to accommodate this population that is growing by the day.
To address the issue of education of the nomads, the Government of Nigeria established the National Commission for Nomadic Education (NCNE) in 1989. Since inception, NCNE has focused on the provision of formal education to the children of pastoral nomads. However, the National Council on Education at its 37th meeting held in Kano in March, 1990, directed the Commission to incorporate the children of migrant fishermen into the Nomadic Education Programme. Since then, pilot schools were established by states, local governments and communities in seven states in the riverine and coastal areas of Nigeria. Primary science is one of the subjects offered in such schools. The objectives of primary science education for children of migrant fishing families are not different from the objectives stated in the national primary science curriculum. It however reflects the local conditions of the fishing communities.
The street children education program was initiated in Nigeria in response to the pursuit of the goals of EFA (Okebukola 1998). There is a growing number of street children especially in the major cities that has developed into a corpus which is drawing the attention and intervention of governmental and non-governmental organisations. Several NGOs and UNICEF have been in the frontline of this intervention. Special schools where primary science is offered have been set up for these children.
The NCNE primary science curriculum for nomads and the curriculum for science for the street children have as objectives:
To enable children:
Setting For The Study
In 1990, the Federal Government of Nigeria, established the National Commission for Nomadic Education (NCNE). At about the same time, the Lagos office of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) began the study of the street children phenomenon in Nigeria. Together, these initiatives were aimed at the actualization of Education for All (EFA). The NCNE thrust led to the establishment of formal and non-formal programs for all members of nomadic communities in Nigeria. UNICEF on the other hand, stimulated private sector actions for rehabilitating street children into formal education. By 1994, formal and non-formal education of nomads and street children had begun in earnest. Science education is a core component of the scheme.
This study was on two groups of children with age ranging between 7
and 13 years. The first group was the children of nomadic fishing families
in the Badagry Local Government Area of Lagos State of Nigeria. The population
for this group in Nigeria has been estimated to be 320,000. In the study
area, that is Badagry Local Government, there are about 1,600 children
of nomadic fishing families. The choice of Badagry Local Government Area
was for logistical convenience since NCNE data show demographic, socio-economic
and cultural similarities among the nomadic groups in the coastal belts
of Nigeria. The second group of children were enrolled in a flexible schedule
school for street children owned by a non-governmental organisation in
Lagos. Classes are run three days a week during "low periods" for street
trading. Thus, the children are engaged in income-generating street trading
outside class periods. There are 223 children enrolled in the school which
is one of six in Lagos State.
Indigenous Cultures of Fishing Nomads and Street Children
Fishing nomads in Nigeria are mainly animists (Obanya, 1985). The pervasive view held within the community is that all events in nature from the growth of a seedling to a harvest of fish are strictly controlled by gods; a god being specific for an event. There is worship of gods symbolized by animate (e.g trees, mammals, and birds) and inanimate (e.g. rocks, water bodies and metals) objects. If there is illness in the family, some disease-causing germ is hardly taken as cause. To the nomad, more likely than not, it is an angry god that must be appeased before the illness could abate. For a poor harvest of fish, poor performance of a child in school, lack of rain on a planting day, heavy rain during the market day, attack of smallpox, diarrhea attack, and rise and fall of sea level, some god is in a mood. Any other explanation is scornful. The belief is held that improved productivity does not depend solely on the use of fertilisers or other artificial agents but on the activities of the agents of a supreme God. These agents are consulted for productivity to improve. Appeasement by way of sacrifices is carried out when yield is low and the agent of God is assumed to be "angry". Further, there is doubt, expressed oftentimes as sneer, that science and technology offer acceptable explanation for events in nature and can be tools for the survival of humanity. While this belief is prevalent among many rural communities in Nigeria, it is especially forceful within nomadic clans and groups. It is possible that the constant touch with natural settings and the experience of a variety of such settings as a consequence of their mobile habits make nomadic groups more prone to hold this belief.
Other common characteristics of the indigenous culture of fishing nomads is fluidity of language and intra-family and inter-group cohesion, while the "Ogu" language is the mother tongue (L1), the nomads are able to communicate passably in the languages of adjoining territories through which they traverse for fish trade. On the western flank is the Republic of Benin, a French-speaking country. On the east are Yoruba-speaking neighbors in Nigeria where English is the official language. Interaction with neighbors of different tongues has induced some measure of fluidity in language use by the nomads. They speak and understand the native ‘Ogu’ language, Yoruba and pidgin French. A small number can also speak and understand Pidgin English.
Since the fishing nomads move together in small groups, close-knitness is apparent in family and friendship/group relationships. There is sharing of family/group resources and a good measure of collaborative work. Competitive tendencies are suppressed by the reward system which glorifies joint ventureship rather than individual success.
The belief is held that metaphysical powers play a major role in determining the direction and thrust of events especially in the life of humans. How else can one explain the transformation in a market square of the village medicine man to a snake, then to a vulture and back to the medicine man in the glare of scores of watching eyes? These present the fertile ground for the superstitious belief system that is prevalent among the migrant fishing families.
The UNICEF (1996) study on street children showed them to be largely
urbanised and shallow in the "multigod" belief. Most are monotheists, believing
in one God, and are superstitious, and multilingual. They are highly competitive
and aggressive.
The Study
The study was implemented in two phases. It began with the measurement of science concept/topic preferences of pupils and teachers in three schools for nomadic fishing communities in Badagry Local Government Area of Lagos State, Nigeria. Two schools for street children and two in the mainstream in the Lagos metropolis were also studied. The aim of this phase of the study was to obtain data on primary science concepts that the children enjoyed or disliked learning and using in everyday life, and reasons for such preferences. In turn, data on teachers’ perception of children’s preferences of the topics was also sought for the purpose of comparison with those of the pupils. The overall idea was to describe inter-group profiles of preferences of the nomads, street children and the mainstreamers, and subsequently, make inter-group comparison. Thirty children and two teachers were randomly selected for study from primary 4 and 5 in each school.
The second phase was participant observation of science classrooms in
the three groups of schools. Within this phase, target children in each
group were selected for indepth study using qualitative techniques. The
goal of phase two was to identify underlying currents of cultural variables
at work in influencing science concept preferences. The overarching assumption
was that the data sets generated from the two phases of the study would
provide a firm basis for drawing tentative conclusions on how some of the
cultural attributes of nomadic and street children influence their preference
for and use of science concepts. It is from this position that the implications
for science teaching could be meaningfully drawn.
Study of Science Concept Preferences
Children like or dislike science concepts for a host of reasons. These
range from the manner of presentation of the concepts by teachers; nature
of the concept whether abstract or concrete; to the alignment or mis-alignment
with the cultural disposition of the children, especially with religion/belief
systems, and language. It was in realisation of the wide array of factors
that could influence science concept preferences among children that a
focus on cultural factors was selected as filter for the measurement of
the preferences. An interview schedule was prepared and validated for data
gathering. This was made up of a list of science concepts that are contained
in the Core -Curriculum for primary science used in the three groups of
schools – nomadic, street children, and the mainstream. Concepts that have
been taught up to primary 4 (fourth Grade) in the three groups were included
in the list. There was a total of 12 topics on the list. In a face-to-face
interview session, a child was given a sheet of paper containing the 12
topics. The interviewer had a similar list. In addition to this, the guide
requests from the child, an indication of the degree of likeness for the
topic – "Very much like"; "Like"; "Don’t like". The interviewer translates
this instruction to the child in the language of instruction of the class,
normally the local language. The child was asked to give reasons for every
answer. It should be stated that this was an exceedingly difficult aspect
of the study. It took several practice sessions between the four interviewers
and selected children from the three groups of schools to ensure that a
high degree of success of the procedure. After this training, and a pilot
trial, the interviewers proceeded to collect science concept preference
data from the pupils. The teacher version had the instructions and the
topics on the paper handed out for completion. Validity checks for both
versions were carried out using primary science experts. Internal consistency
reliability of 0.82 was found for the teacher version, stability coefficient
of 0.73 was established for the pupil version with a five-day gap between
administration on a pilot sample.
Findings and Discussions
From the study of concept/topic preferences, we found a mixed pattern of results. While the preferences of the nomads and the street children tallied on some concepts/topics, there were disagreements in others. For instance, more than three-quarters (76.8%) of each of the two groups "preferred" and "very much preferred" the concepts/topics: the Human Body; Weather; Air and Our Earth and Sky. Over 90% reported dislike ("not prefer") for Measurement, and Electricity. The topic which the fishing nomads showed preference for that the street children disliked was "Water". On the other hand, while most (82.4%) of the street children preferred ("preferred" and "very much preferred") Heat and Temperature; Colors; Machines; and Light, the nomadic children did not express preference for these topics. All the children in the regular schools expressed preference for all the topics. For possible reasons for these variegated results we turned to the interview data.
Interview data converged to confirm that the topics where there were
commonality in preferences, that is, The Human Body; Weather; Air; and
Our Earth and Sky, both the nomads and the street children felt unencumbered
by cultural factors. Summary of reasons given for their preference profiles
in the follow-up interviews shows the nomads and street children expressing
the following sample views:
The Human Body
Nomad: "The topic makes me understand how my body moves and shows the wonderful work of God".
Street Child: "I prefer the topic since it enables me know how
my body works especially how the food we eat is broken down, what makes
us grow, how we react when there is something harmful to the body. The
body is just like a machine".
Weather
Nomad: "The weather is important for our life especially when it rains, ... for fishing. what we learned about the weather is interesting. We now know why there is the rainy season and the harmattan. There is nothing that we learned from home that does not agree with what we were taught in school about the weather. Ah! Some people in our village can cause rain to fall".
Street Child: "I like to know about the weather because it is important when we are doing business on the street. It is not a difficult topic since we know that there are just two weathers in Nigeria - rain and harmattan".
Except a mention of possible "making of rain" by the village medicine man, the nomads and street children focussed largely on the utilitarian aspect of the topics as determinant of preference, rather than on inhibition or enhancement by indigenous cultures. Our observational and interview data showed that religion, language and other socio-cultural factors did not exert noteworthy influence on their preference.
Both the nomads and the street children showed no preference for Measurement and Electricity. For Agosu, a 10-year-old nomad, "measurement is a little confusing for me. At home, we use feet and inches. In our science and mathematics class, it is metres and centimetres." Interview with Agosu showed other areas of conflict. Liquids that are commonly used at home such as kerosene and palm oil are measured in "bottles" rather than in litres. Besides, the 4-litre metric gallon is different from the 4-5litre imperial gallon that they are used to. The traditional acre is also different from the relatively new concept of hectare. Harrison (a street youth) also confirmed dislike for measurement, albeit for a different reason. "There are too many calculations in measurement", Harrison explained, with a frown. Asked whether or not the units of measure for length and volume were of any difficulty. Harrison was not sure. He however, confirmed that he grew up with the metric system and has had little interaction with older people who are used to the imperial system.
The dislike for Electricity is difficult to explain. While Bose (nomad, 9-year old female) and Amisu (street youth, 11-year old, male) expressed excitement about batteries, bulb and electric circuits, many others from the nomadic and street children groups, were not excited about the topic of Electricity on account of the incessant cut of public power supply by the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA). At best, many homes in the study area are supplied electricity for two hours in the day. Some areas have been in darkness for a continuous period of six months. Of the two groups, the nomads are worse hid as they are in remote and rural locations. The street children are largely urban based where electricity is supplied by NEPA, though erratically. Thus, while interview data showed that the two groups enjoyed in-class activities involving some concepts in electricity, no preference was shown for the global and more generic concept. The emerging picture is that there are environmentally-induced cultural influences on the two groups that seem to account for the similarity in the lack of preference for Measurement and Electricity. The general distate for NEPA’s activities might also have contributed to the negative preference for Electricity.
Now to contrasting preferences. While the nomads "very much prefer" the topic "Water","Heat" and Temperature", most of the street children expressed lack of preference for these topics. Interviews with six subjects from each of the groups (3 boys and 3 girls) showed that preference of the nomads for water derived largely from the desire to have in-depth knowledge of the substance which forms a core of the basis for living. As reported by the nomads in interview sessions, water is at the heart of their existence. Two of them claimed that "they are from water" a belief held by many riverine dwellers that some children are "donations" from the river goddess. For the nomads, they live on and around water, and obtain their livelihood through fishing. Such sub-topics like water pressure; changes of state; water cycle;sinking and floating were reported to be exciting for the fishing nomads. Heat and temperature were also preferred as "they are important for fishing activities especially when to fish and storage of our catch". These were the views of 10-year old Akojenu a Primary 5 pupil in one of the nomadic schools.
Lack of preference by many of the street children for "Water" as a topic in the science class can be explained at least in part, by views expressed by some of the street children interviewed.
Ngozi, a 12-year old girl said:
"Not that I don’t like the topic in class,
I just don’t like water as rain. Many of
us make low sales during the
rainy season. Rain water also does not
allow us to go out to relax and play."
Tunde who is 11 years old, justified his dislike for water as a topic in the science class by his experience on the street. "Water makes you wet". He went further to add that "...Water was the cause of the typhoid fever I had last year that nearly killed me. Even ordinary malaria is caused by water on which mosquitoes breed." The common thread in the interview data to explain lack of preference for water by the street children is the discomfort brought to bear on their street activities by rain. The message was some sort of misplaced aggression. Water as rain, spoils their day, so water is not a good friend of the street child. It is interesting to note that observational data confirmed that all the practical activities in the science class on water Pressure and Sinking and Floating, did not seem to discount significantly from the bad impression the children have of water.
Field notes taken by research assistants who observd the two groups over a four - month period showed records of active participation of the pupils when topics they expressed preference for were being taught. It was impressive to log the excitement in the science class for the nomadic group during the two weeks they were taught the four sub-topics under Awater - sources, properties, water cycle and purification. AThe three 35 - minute lessons on properties of water had the class aglow@ (field note M.23). AMost pupils turned in the homework given on this topic, unlike the tardiness which characterised the submission of home assignments by this class@ (field note T. 18).
The excitement in class and the enthusiasm to turn in assignments can be attributed to the utility value of the topic to the everyday life of the fishing nomads. Thus, a match was found between the preference expressed for the topic by the pupils and the teacher and the paricipatory level of the pupils in class. It was reassuring to note that over 80% of the pupils scored 10/10 in the class test given or the end of the three weeks. This reassurance is of the well-established relation between attitudes and preferences and achievement in science (Gardner, 1993).
The street children were equally observed to display a high level of participation in the science class. Although most expressed no preference for water, there were field notes of Ajoyful learning@ when water cycle was the topic of lesson. Properties of electric current and our Earth and sky were noted as Adull classes@. An explanation for the excitement in the water cycle class may be that it was a topic where the process of rain is described. It would be recalled that the street children interviewed had a distate for rain. It is unclear why the classes on Electric current and Our Earth and sky lacked lustre. A record in the field notes that no practical activities took place in these classes could be a plausible explanation. Largely theoretical classes have been known to engender apathy in science classes especially with children (Okebukola, 1997).
Classroom observations further showed that the nomads worked well in cooperative learning groups; the street children not so well. The street children were more inclined to competitive work and soon disorganised small-group work as soon as it was composed by the teacher. These observations are in alignment with the goal structure subculture of the two groups. Although no achievement tests were administered to the two groups by the research team for the purpose of making comparisons, the research assistants who carried out observations noted better attitude to work and Aa potential for better performance@ by the nomads. This agrees with the literature confirming the enhancing effect of cooperative learning on learning outcomes (Johnson, 1998, Okebukola, 1991).
Informal interactions with the pupils by the research team as part of the procedure for collecting qualitative data revealed deep-rooted beliefs which were not shaken by class work. For instance, the nomads were not shaken in their traditional beliefs about water. This provides an endorsement for the border-crossing postulate of Aikenhead (1996). For the science class, a pupil boxes up traditional beliefs and keeps Aon the front burner@ the scientific ideas and belief system. Outside class, there is a shift in the reverse direction. This shift and border crossing take place in response to different situations. In an examination setting, in the science class, and when there is a need for sciencing, the shift is in the direction of what is commonly, albeit, erroneously regarded as AWestern@ science. At home, in the community and when explanations are to be given to events that cannot be easily reasoned out, the border is crossed to the traditional belief system zone. Okebukola (1999) has conjectured a homoestatic control mechanism for the border crossing phenomenon. With six hours of school work and 18 hours at home, many of the children are likely to be more in the AT@ (traditional) zone rather than in the AS@ (Science) zone.
The reality of the teaching and learning of science is that students need to cross borders from the everyday subcultures of peers, family and ethnic orientation into the subculture of school, classroom and subject matter (Jegede, 1998). Just through imagination, crossing from one subculture to another will be exceedingly difficult and sometimes impossible for students who hold one worldview while expected to learn in another. However, according to Aikenhead (1996), border crossings need not always be problematic, if the learner can intuitively and subconsciously alter certain belief, expectations, and conventions as he or she negotiates the cultural borders between indigenous knowledge and school knowledge.
We may now briefly put the threads together for the purpose of drawing implications for science teaching. Standing out in sharp relief is the influence of the environment (ecology) on cultural dispositions of the subjects of the study. For example, we found in this study that the environment where the nomads and street children live influenced their worldviews and in turn, preferences for some science topics. Ecoculture has been reported to be a strong determinant of achievement and attitude to science (Okebukola and Jegede, 1991). It is important, therefore, for science teachers to determine environmental factors that could affect the cultural dispositions of the learners and adjust instruction appropriately.
The study also showed that when the belief system and the utility value of a science concept converge, interest and possibly achievement, are bolstered. The nomads have strong beliefs about water and they saw its utilitarian value for their daily living. The street children saw the utilitarian value of Heat and Temperature to their activities on the streets. They showed preference for these topics. For the science teacher, it is useful to suggest a regimen of concept/topic preference testing as a component of formative evaluation in science. The results should be located within the cultural milieu of the learners and instruction appropriately tailored to accommodate these preferences. Where preference level is low, more intense engagement in hands - on activities could be helpful (Tamir, 1998). In all of these is the constructivist’s approach. Meanings have to be negotiated with learners as the science lesson progresses.
There is also the need for teachers to align science curriculum implementation to suit local conditions. At the level of the class, the teacher should break down the science curriculum in a way that will take care of the cultural colour of the class. This is a steep task for the teacher if he or she has to work with different classes and across grade levels. The effort will be worthwhile if the desire is to promote meaningful learning of science concepts.
Worthy of suggestion to science teachers is the need to fully connect home with school. Since children spend most of the time at home, the world of the science class should be stretched to the home by way of science projects to be carried out at home, and assignments to be discussed with parents and older siblings. Co-curricular activities which target superstitious and non-scientific beliefs and attitudes should be given accent.
Teachers should reflect critically with pupils on their actions and
views and conduct science classes as a process. Teachers in the view of
Burdett (1985) need to interpret syllabuses more liberally and to welcome
opportunities for cultural enrichment. Science programs especially for
children should encourage learning from the environment and the use of
local materials and technologies.
Conclusion
As we seek to come to terms with the challenges facing humanity today, and in the future, gaze is turning more increasingly to science and technology. The assumption is pervasive that the pathway to our understanding of the natural and physical world, indeed to shapening it for the benefit of humanity is science and technology. This probably accounts for the pride of place of science in the school curriculum more importantly, it is the stimulus for the global calls for scientific and technology literacy for all.
Bajah (1997) and Okebukola (1998) consider how the view of science as a body of knowledge has encouraged the idea that it is culture-free, and may be easily transposed from one culture to another. This has been found not to work - different cultures conceive of different hierarchies within science, and different religious outlooks and folk beliefs can lead to cognitive conflict, and a rejection of "Western" science.
Dennick (1992) argues that Ascience can be liberating when coupled to a strong humanistic, open-minded and truth seeking philosophy. It can cut the ground from beneath ideologies that would seek to keep human groups in a state of conflict, feeding on ignorance and irrational fear.
In the multicultural societies of today's world, there is a need for resources that reflect the cultural mix of the population, and also highlight the contribution of diverse cultures to science (Okebukola, 1999). However, Ditchfield (1987) warns that Athe celebration of diversity is no more than tokenism unless it is accompanied by a fundamental belief in the equality of individuals from every background. It also warns of the danger of re-inforcing stereotypes, with "appropriate technology" for the third world and "high technology" in the West. There is a need to explore with children the pros and cons of different technologies, and a need for discussion of values in science.
Reported in this paper is the first phase of an on-going larger study
on science concept development of nomads and street children. The findings
show ecocultural influences and the persistence of such influences in science
concept/topic preferences of the groups surveyed and their participation
in science classes. These findings and the implications drawn for science
teachers are tentative at best since the bigger picture from the larger
study is still being painted.
References
Aikenhead, G.S. (1996). Science education: Border crossing into the subculture of science. Studies in Science Education, 27, 1-52.
Bajah, S.T. (1997). Early Learning Science Series for Africa: Lagos. British Council.
Bishop A.J. (1991). Teaching mathematics to ethnic minority pupils in secondary schools. In D. Pimm and E. Love (Eds.),Teaching and Learning School Mathematics. London: Hodder and Stoughton.
Burdett P. (1985). What have science, education in a multicultural society and all-white schools to do with each other? World Studies Journal 15(4) 50-56.
Cobern, W.W. (1996). Worldview theory and conceptual change in science education. Science Education, 80, 579-610.
Dennick R.(1992). Analysing multicultural and antiracist science education. School Science Review, 73(264), 79-88.
Gardner, D.P. (1996). Attitude and Science and Technology Literacy. Proceedings of Project 2000+ Forum. Paris: UNESCO.
Jegede, O.J. (1995). Collateral learning and the eco-cultural paradigm in science and mathematics education in Africa. Studies in Science Education, 25, 97-137.
Jegede, O.J. (1998). First International Study on Science, Culture and Science Education Nexus, and Distance Learning: A Research Proposal. The Open University of Hong Kong.
Johnson, D.W. (1998 March). Remarks on cooperative learning. Presented at the Cooperative learning SIG, Annual Conference of the American Educational Research Association, San Diego.
Obanya, Pai (1985). The Ogu people of Badagry. Proceedings of the First Annual Conference of Education Development in Lagos State, 230-245.
Okebukola, P.A.O.(1991). Concept mapping in biology with a cooperative learning flavor. American Biology Teacher. 23(2), 12-19.
Okebukola, P.A.O. (1997). The state of primary science in Nigeria. Proceedinsg of ELSSA Workshop, 43-49.
Okebukola, P.A.O. (1998). Cultural issues in science education. Journal of Science and Mathematics Education 12,2, 123-145.
Okebukola, P.A.O. (1999, January). Mechanism of cultural influence on science learning. Paper presented at the Seminar on Science Education, Lagos State University, Lagos, Nigeria.
Okebukola, P.A.O., & Jegede, O.J. (1990). Ecocultural influences on students' concept attainment in science. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 27,7, 661-669.
Olarewaju, A.O. (1990). Teaching science in the mother tongue. Proceedings of the 36th Annual Conference of the Science Teachers Association of Nigeria, 103-110.
Peacock A. (1991). Science in Primary Schools: The Multicultural Dimension. Basingstoke: Macmillan.
Tamir, P. (1998). Practical work in science. Journal of Biological Education, 45, 12-20.
UNICEF (1996). Report on Street Children in Lagos. Lagos:
UNICEF.